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Starving for Validation test 3

Sophie Szew is a Stanford student who developed a life-threatening eating disorder after being exposed to harmful Instagram content as a child. Her experience, which included thirteen hospitalizations and near-death, illustrates how digital platforms exploit insecurity and worsen mental health risks. Eating disorders are a growing mental health concern among young adults, with many struggling to build a healthy relationship with food and body image. Recent estimates suggest that approximately 10% of Canadians will experience an eating disorder in their lifetime, with rates increasing, especially during and after the COVID-19 pandemic (Raffoul et al., 2025, p. 184). While these issues are often discussed as personal choices or health concerns, they are shaped by social and economic pressures. Research shows that unrealistic beauty standards, constant exposure to social media, and the pressure to seek validation based on appearance increase body dissatisfaction and harmful eating behaviours. At the same time, psychological traits like narcissism, impulsivity, low resilience, and low mindful eating habits can make some individuals more vulnerable to these risks.

This paper argues that disordered eating is influenced by more than personal behaviour. Sociological factors such as identity-based discrimination, cultural disconnection, and unequal access to care increase vulnerability, especially among marginalized youth. The economic systems also profit from insecurity, with influencer marketing and appearance-based discrimination reinforcing unrealistic standards. Using research from psychology, sociology, and economics, this paper explores how appearance pressures, social inequality and mental health challenges work together to shape disordered eating in young adults, and why addressing these issues requires education, stronger policies, and better access to care.

In today’s appearance-focused world, where young adults are frequently exposed to idealized beauty standards, the relationship between personality and body image deserves closer attention. Recent research by Giancola et al. (2024) investigated how traits from the Dark Triad (DT), a group of socially aversive personality traits, may influence the risk of developing eating disorders in young adults. The DT includes narcissism, defined by grandiosity, entitlement, and self-absorption; Machiavellianism, characterized by manipulativeness, cynicism, and strategic exploitation; and psychopathy, involving impulsivity, thrill-seeking, and a lack of empathy (Giancola et al., 2024). Although these traits are not clinical diagnoses, they are measured using validated tools such as the Dark Triad Dirty Dozen (DTDD) questionnaire.

To explore these connections, Giancola et al. (2024) conducted a web-based, cross-sectional survey with 419 university students aged 18 to 25. Participants completed assessments of DT traits using the DTDD, body uneasiness with the Body Uneasiness Test (BUT-A), and eating disorder risk using the Eating Attitudes Test (EAT-26). The results showed that only narcissism was significantly linked to increased eating disorder risk, with a reported B = 0.76, SE =0.39, 95% CI [-0.0085, 1.5344]. In this case, B represents the strength of the association; SE is the standard error showing how much the estimate might bounce around and 95% Confidence Interval (CI) is the safety zone where the real effect probably falls. Although the CI slightly crosses zero, Even so, the authors present this relationship as meaningful, suggesting narcissism plays a unique role in predicting eating disorder risks among young adults with body image concerns, such as dissatisfaction with physical appearance, mediating this relationship. In comparison, while Machiavellianism and psychopathy were examined, neither trait showed a direct association with eating disorder risk within the sample.

Giancola et al. (2024) suggest that this pattern may be driven by self-objectification, where individuals begin to view their bodies primarily as objects to impress others rather than as integral parts of themselves. Their findings show that narcissistic traits were uniquely associated with increased eating disorder risk, specifically through heightened body image concerns. In other words, the more someone chases external validation based on appearance, the more they risk falling into body dissatisfaction and harmful eating behaviors especially in a culture flooded with impossible beauty standards and constant social comparison. Narcissistic tendencies appear to magnify this effect, making young adults even more susceptible to negative body image and disordered eating patterns. This reflects a larger cycle, where personality traits and societal pressures collide, leaving young adults increasingly vulnerable to eating disorders. Understanding this dynamic is essential, as it highlights how individual traits and societal pressures combine to shape body image concerns and the risk of eating disorders. Sophie Szew’s experience reflects this pattern. As a child, she was exposed to idealized bodies on social media, which slowly evolved into pro-eating disorder content. Her early desire to fit in turned into a deep fixation on appearance, mirroring how validation-seeking behaviors and external pressures can escalate into harmful eating habits.

While narcissistic traits have been linked to eating disorders, other psychological factors also play a critical role, particularly impulsiveness. Impulsivity refers to a relatively stable tendency to act quickly and without considering the consequences, which can lead to risky behaviours such as unhealthy eating patterns (Moeller et al., 2001; Izydorczyk et al., 2019). In the context of food, impulsivity can manifest as emotional eating or consuming food in response to environmental cues, rather than physiological hunger.

To explore these connections, Izydorczyk et al. (2019) posed two central research questions. First, they examined whether psychological traits such as impulsivity, resilience, self-esteem, and emotional intelligence could help explain disordered eating behaviours, including emotional, external, and restrained eating. Second, they investigated whether these patterns differed between men and women. The study involved 211 university students aged 20 to 29 from Southern Poland, all of whom completed validated self-report measures assessing impulsivity, resilience, self-esteem, emotional intelligence, and eating behaviours.

The results revealed that higher levels of impulsivity were significantly associated with harmful eating patterns, particularly emotional and external eating. However, other psychological traits such as self-esteem, emotional intelligence and self-regulation did not show a significant direct association with disordered eating in this study, suggesting that impulsivity may play a more prominent role among these variables. These behaviours are often automatic, occurring in response to negative emotions, external temptations, or pressure to meet appearance ideals. Such patterns can become increasingly harmful over time, particularly when combined with social pressures related to body image. Although self-esteem was not directly associated with harmful eating patterns in this study, previous research (more discussion of this below) suggests that low self-esteem may still increase vulnerability, especially in environments where external validation and appearance are highly looked upon (Lazarevich et al., 2025, Khalil et al., 2025).

However, the study also identified resilience as a protective factor. Resilience is broadly defined as an individual’s ability to adapt to challenges, cope with stress, and maintain psychological stability (Izydorczyk et al., 2019). Young adults with higher resilience were significantly less likely to engage in maladaptive eating behaviours when exposed to emotional distress or environmental triggers such as tempting food or social pressures. Unfortunately, individuals with low resilience, particularly those whose self-worth is closely tied to appearance or external validation, remain vulnerable to developing unhealthy eating patterns. These findings highlight how mental health, coping skills, and body image are deeply interconnected, reinforcing the argument that both individual traits and societal pressures shape disordered eating risks in young adults.

Beyond traits like impulsivity and low resilience, the way young adults engage with food in their daily lives is another important psychological factor that can influence disordered eating behaviours. One key concept related to this is mindful eating, which refers to the ability to stay aware of physical hunger, emotions and internal bodily signals while eating. It helps individuals eat in response to real needs rather than turning to food because of stress, distractions, or emotional triggers (Lazarevich et al., 2025). When people score low on mindful eating, meaning they often eat automatically or as a way to cope with emotions, unhealthy eating patterns become more likely.

In their study, Lazarevich et al. (2025) explored how mindful eating relates to body composition, eating habits, and emotional distress among young adults. The research involved 224 Mexican university students between the ages of 19 and 25 who were enrolled in health-related programs. Participants completed questionnaires that measured mindful eating habits using the ME-11 and ME-8 scales, along with assessments of emotional distress and eating behaviours. Researchers also gathered anthropometric data, including body mass index, body fat percentage, and waist circumference, to better understand how mindful eating connects to physical health indicators.

The results showed that over 60 percent of participants reported worrying about their weight during meals, and nearly half admitted to thinking about their problems while eating (Lazarevich et al., 2025, p. 8). Fewer than 25 percent said they never criticized themselves for overeating and most participants reported regretting their food choice after consuming unhealthy meals. The study also found that students with lower mindful eating scores had higher body mass index, larger waist circumference, greater body fat percentage, and were more likely to eat fried foods, sweets and fast food frequently (p. 9).

These findings suggest that when mindful eating is low, individuals are more vulnerable to emotional eating, negative self-talk, and unhealthy food choices. Without awareness during meals, food often becomes a way to cope with stress, insecurity, or emotional discomfort rather than a response to genuine hunger.

Altogether, the research demonstrates that unhealthy eating habits in young adults are shaped by both psychological traits and learned behaviours. Characteristics such as narcissism, impulsivity, low resilience and reduced mindful eating can weaken emotional coping abilities, increase sensitivity to stress, and disrupt a person’s relationship with food. The study found that lower resilience was significantly associated with higher levels of emotional and external eating, suggesting that individuals who struggled to bounce back from stress may be more likely to engage in harmful eating patterns. When self-worth depends on outside validation, these traits often work together with social pressures to fuel body dissatisfaction and increase the risk of disordered eating. Understanding how these psychological patterns interact is essential for building more effective prevention strategies that address both mental health and eating behaviors.

Eating disorders are often described as personal or psychological struggles, but sociological research shows that identity, discrimination, and access to resources also play a significant role in shaping these risks. Young adults who do not conform to society’s narrow beauty standards, whether due to gender identity, race, or socio-economic background, frequently face additional pressures that affect their relationship with food and body image. Sophie Szew’s story powerfully illustrates this intersection. Bullied by peers from a young age, she turned to social media for belonging, only to be overwhelmed by appearance-based pressures that contributed to her eating disorder. Her experience reflects how exclusion and unrealistic beauty standards can deeply affect vulnerable youth, especially when there is a lack of support or cultural connection. Khalil, Mason, and Smith (2025) explored these connections using data from the Healthy Minds Study, a national survey examining mental health among university students in the United States. Their research focused specifically on students aged 18 to 29, providing insight into how young adults experience body image concerns and disordered eating. The study aimed to answer two key questions. First, how did gender identity and racial or ethnic background relate to eating disorder risk in this population? Second, how do psychological resources such as resilience and psychological flexibility influence that risk across different identity groups?

To investigate these questions, Khalil et al. (2025) surveyed 24,431 university students using self-report questionnaires. Participants completed assessments measuring eating disorder risk through the SCOFF, a brief five-item screening tool designed to identify individuals at risk for disordered eating. The SCOFF includes questions about behaviours such as self-induced vomiting, loss of control overeating, rapid weight loss, distorted body image, and food preoccupation (p. 3). The survey also included measures of psychological resilience, psychological flexibility, and demographic information such as gender identity, race-ethnicity, and socio-economic background. The results revealed that both cisgender women and transgender women had significantly higher odds of screening positive for an eating disorder compared to cisgender men (p. 6). The study also found that racial and ethnic background influenced eating disorder risk, with Asian American/Asian and American Indian/Alaskan Native students reporting higher rates of disordered eating than their White peers (p. 4).

Additionally, lower resilience and psychological inflexibility were associated with increased eating disorder risk across all groups, with the strongest effects observed among transgender women. These findings suggest that young adults who experience exclusion, discrimination, or judgment based on their identity are more vulnerable to disordered eating, especially when lacking the psychological resources to manage stress and social pressures. For marginalized young adults, the combination of body image expectations and identity-based discrimination creates an even great vulnerability to disordered eating behaviours. These patterns demonstrate that eating disorders cannot be fully understood without considering the broader systems of social inequality and exclusion that shape how young people experience their bodies and self worth.

But identity is only part of the picture. Socioeconomic factors, like income and job security, also play a major role in shaping resilience and increasing vulnerability to harmful eating behaviors, especially for those with fewer resources to fall back on. Mulders-Jones et al. (2017) studied this by looking at how different aspects of socioeconomic status, like income, education, employment, Indigenous background, and where people live, are connected to eating disorder symptoms (p. 2).

They surveyed over 6,000 adults across Australia using questions adapted from the Eating Disorder Examination to measure behaviors like binge eating, purging, strict dieting and overvaluing weight and shape (p. 5). Their results showed that people who were unemployed had twice the odds of binge eating (OR 2.02, 95% CI 1.05 to 3.67, p < .05) and almost three times the odds of subjective binge eating, meaning feeling out of control while eating normal amounts (OR 2.80, 95% CI 1.12 to 6.30, p < .05) compared to those with full-time jobs (p. 10). Participants who could not work due to disability were also more likely to binge eat (OR 2.30, 95% CI 1.30 to 3.92, p < .01) and purge (OR 4.13, 95% CI 1.27 to 12.08, p < .05). In this case, OR stands for odds ratio, showing how much more likely something is to happen in one group compared to another, while the 95% confidence interval (CI) shows the range where the true odds probably fall. If the range doesn’t cross 1, it means the result is statistically significant, which is the case here.

The researchers explained that being unemployed or unable to work can lead to more stress, isolation, and lower self-esteem, which makes it harder to manage body image pressures. In other words, the same unrealistic appearance standards can affect everyone, but for people dealing with fewer resources and more life stress, those pressures hit harder and can lead to harmful eating behaviors. The study also shows how building resilience, through support, connection, and better access to mental health care, can help protect against eating disorders, especially for people facing social or economic barriers (p. 13).

When it comes to eating disorders, cultural identity often gets left out of the conversation, even though it plays a major role in how body image concerns develop. Mikhail and Klump (2021) explain that for Black and Indigenous communities, body ideals can look completely different from the thin-focused standards emphasized in most eating disorder research (p. 462). For example, they cite research showing that Black adolescents, especially boys, may be more focused on gaining weight or building muscle, rather than losing weight, which often gets overlooked in mainstream assessments of body dissatisfaction. (Nagata et al., 2019, as cited in Mikhail & Klump, 2021, p. 462). At the same time, Indigenous populations face specific unique risks linked to cultural disconnection. Research with Indigenous Fijian girls found that those who were more connected to their traditional culture were less likely to engage in harmful eating behaviours, even when exposed to Western beauty ideals (Becker, 2004, as cited in Mikhail & Klump, 2021, p. 463). This suggests that cultural pride and connection can protect young people against appearance-related pressures. However, the study also showed that when cultural ties are weakened whether through discrimination, assimilation pressures, or lack of community support, the risk of disordered eating increases. This shows that cultural identity can be both a protective factor and a source of stress, depending on how strong that connection is and how much pressure individuals feel to change themselves to fit Western appearance standards. These patterns highlight that body image concerns and eating disorders cannot be separated from cultural influences and that failing to account for these factors may lead to underestimating risks in marginalized communities (Mikhail & Klump, 2021).

The economic side of eating disorders and body image insecurity is often underestimated, yet industries continue to profit by fueling both problems, especially in young people. One example is how companies use social media influencers to promote unhealthy food, which doesn’t just affect physical health but also adds to body image pressures and mixed messages about diet culture, appearance and self-worth. Social media makes it easier than ever for companies to target vulnerable audiences, using influencers to promote products tied to appearance, lifestyle, and even eating habits. This creates a cycle where businesses profit, while young people face more health risks, more pressure to change their bodies, and long-term consequences. Sophie Szew’s experience shows how early exposure to social media can shape a young person’s perception of worth, feeding insecurities that later have real financial consequences. Hospitalized thirteen times due to complications from her eating disorder, she and her family bore the burden of treatment costs and time lost to care, an economic reality many families face but few studies capture.

The influencer marketing industry plays a major role in turning insecurity into profit, especially when it comes to unhealthy food being pushed towards young people. Potvin Kent et al. (2024) looked at this issue because even though food marketing rules exist, they often overlook how much social media has taken over, especially on platforms like YouTube, TikTok, and Instagram, where kids spend hours every day. Research shows that children are especially vulnerable to this kind of marketing because their stage of cognitive developement makes it harder for them to recognize when they are being targeted. Their study analyzed 2,232 posts from the nine most popular influencers among Canadian children aged 10 to 12 to see how often unhealthy food came up and how it was presented. The results showed that 83 percent of all food and beverage products featured were classified as less healthy by Health Canada’s Nutrient Profile Model (p. 4-5). Fast food, soft drinks, candy, and snacks were the most promoted, especially on YouTube where nearly every post had food marketing (p. 4). The researchers looked for both products placements, where branded food appears visually and brand mentions, where logos or names are included without showing the product itself (p. 3). They also tracked how often marketing techniques like celebrity endorsements, cartoons characters, or special visual effects were used to make products seem more appealing to young people. Their coding process reached a 94.5% reliability rate, showing consistent results between researchers (p. 3-4). By promoting unhealthy eating habits while also feeding into unrealistic appearance standards, these marketing strategies contribute to both physical health risks and increased body dissatisfaction among young people.

The study didn’t measure how much profit influencers or companies made, but it explained that influencer marketing is a huge global industry worth billions of dollars, with food companies spending more every year to target young people (p. 2). They didn’t directly test how these posts affect kids’ health, but they referenced research showing that food marketing leads to unhealthy diets, more calorie intake, and bigger long-term health problems. But beyond physical health, the constant exposure to influencer promotions that mix appearance, lifestyle, and food can also make young people more insecure about their bodies, creating a link between poor eating habits, body dissatisfaction, and future disordered eating risks. They also found influencers often used emotional appeal and social status to make unhealthy food look fun, cool, and part of an ideal lifestyle (p. 5).

Despite all this, Potvin Kent et al. (2024) pointed out that current Canadian rules don’t really cover influencer food marketing properly, which leaves young people exposed to constant ads that use insecurity to encourage unhealthy eating. They recommended stronger policies to limit this kind of marketing on social media. This recommendation will be revisited in the final section when exploring policy solutions.

The economic side of eating disorders does not stop with marketing. The COVID-19 pandemic worsened not only mental health struggles for young adults but also made it harder to access treatment for eating disorders, exposing the hidden financial strain that comes with these illnesses. Obeid et al. (2024) designed their study to explore how economic barriers affect access to ED care, especially for youth, and what financial impacts families and the healthcare system face. Using a mixed-methods approach, the researchers combined online surveys with focus groups to gather both quantitative and qualitative data. Their sample included 117 participants across Canada: young people aged 16 to 25 with lived experience of eating disorders, primary caregivers, and healthcare professionals.

The results showed that the pandemic increased both the direct and indirect costs for families dealing with eating disorders. Parents and caregivers reported high expenses related to private therapy, medications, transportation, and specialized food (p. 6). Many also described losing income or being forced to reduce work hours to support their child, adding to financial stress. Youth shared how their ED symptoms worsened during isolation, often triggered by appearance-related pressures on social media or the mental health effects of lockdowns. Many reported being unable to work or attend school, creating hidden economic costs through lost productivity, academic delays, and long-term impacts on their independence (p. 6-7).

The study also revealed how the healthcare system struggled to meet the rising demand for ED care. Health professionals described burnout, staffing shortages, and increased workloads, with nearly one-third considering leaving their jobs due to stress (p. 7). Long waitlists and limited resources made it harder for young people, especially those dealing with body image concerns or disordered eating triggered by societal appearance pressures, to access treatment when they needed it most. Obeid et al. (2024) emphasized that improving ED services and prevention is not just about health, but also about reducing economic strain on families and the healthcare system. Their research shows how untreated eating disorders create a cycle where poor body image, lack of access to care, and financial stress all reinforce each other, leading to greater personal and economic costs over time (Obeid et al., 2024, p. 5).

Beyond the costs families face when trying to access treatment, appearance-based pressures create massive financial consequences for society as a whole. Body dissatisfaction and appearance-based discrimination are often seen as personal struggles, but research shows they come with serious social and economic costs. Body dissatisfaction refers to negative feelings about one’s appearance that can lead to mental health problems, including eating disorders. Appearance-based discrimination, such as weight or skin-shade discrimination, can worsen these insecurities, increasing risks for poor health and lost productivity. Yetsenga et al. (2024) conducted their study to answer an important question: how much do body dissatisfaction and appearance-based discrimination cost society in the United States?

To explore this, they used a prevalence-based approach and a cost-of-illness method, combining existing studies and national statistics to estimate the financial and social impact of body dissatisfaction, weight discrimination, and skin-shade discrimination. Their model focused on direct costs, such as healthcare expenses for treating mental health conditions like depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and eating disorders that are linked to body dissatisfaction and discrimination. They also included lost productivity, meaning income lost when people miss work or school, or when mental health struggles lower job performance. Another large part of the cost came from reduced well-being, which reflects the impact of low self-esteem, poor mental health, and overall life dissatisfaction tied to appearance pressures.

The results showed that in 2019, body dissatisfaction alone cost the United States $84 billion in healthcare expenses and lost productivity, along with an additional $221 billion in reduced well-being (p. 572-574). Weight discrimination added $200 billion in financial losses, while skin-shade discrimination cost $63 billion. The study also revealed that these numbers could be even higher depending on how the impacts are measured, with some models estimating the total cost of body dissatisfaction at over $500 billion. These costs reflect how appearance-related pressures increase rates of eating disorders, mental health struggles, and lost economic opportunities for individuals and families.

Yetsenga et al. (2024) concluded that unrealistic beauty standards and discrimination based on appearance are not only harmful to individuals but place a major financial burden on families, health systems, and the economy. They emphasized the need for stronger prevention strategies, public education, and policies that reduce discrimination and promote healthier body image ideals. Their research shows that improving how society addresses body dissatisfaction and appearance-based pressures is not only about mental health, but also about reducing massive long-term economic costs.

The research shows that preventing eating disorders in young adults requires more than focusing on individual behaviour. Schools and universities should include mental health education that helps students develop emotional skills, self-esteem, and a healthier relationship with their bodies. This is especially important given findings from Izydorczyk et al. (2019), which show that low resilience and impulsivity are linked to harmful eating behaviors among young adults. Programs that build resilience and emotional awareness may help reduce these risks. Teaching mindful eating is also important so that young people learn to listen to their real needs instead of relying on food as a way to cope with stress or emotional discomfort. Lazarevich et al. (2025) found that students with higher mindful eating scores had healthier body composition and eating habits, suggesting that teaching mindful eating could have lasting physical and emotional benefits. At the same time, policies need to do a better job regulating how social media and influencers promote unrealistic beauty standards. Potvin Kent et al. (2024) noted, current Canadian advertising policies, like the Children’s Food and Beverage Advertising Initiative, mostly apply to traditional media like television and not to social media or influencer content. This creates a loophole that lets companies use influencer marketing to target young people with unhealthy food advertisements. Stronger regulations could close this gap by holding social media to the same standards as television, especially when it comes to marketing aimed at children and teens. This would help reduce harmful exposure and support more positive, realistic messages around body image online.

Finally, access to mental health care for eating disorders must be improved, especially for marginalized groups who face extra challenges because of discrimination or cultural pressures. Public health systems should hire more specialized ED clinicians and expand community-based treatment teams, particularly in underserved regions. Sustainable funding should be allocated to reduce wait times, increase affordability, and ensure culturally sensitive care for Indigenous, 2SLGBTQ+, and racialized youth. Recent Canadian data show waitlists for ED treatment exceed six months in many provinces, disproportionately affecting these communities. (Obeid et al., 2024, p. 7).

By combining education, better policies and making treatment truly accessible , the harmful effects of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating can be reduced for young people. To make this actionable: a Federal Minister of Health should invest in a national ED care strategy that includes hiring ED specialists, training culturally competent providers, and funding pilot programs in schools and Indigenous communities. Australia has already seen positive outcomes from similar reforms. Maguire et al. (2023) report that since introducing dedicated Medicare items in 2019, over 29,000 treatment plans and more than 265,000 therapy sessions were delivered 29% of them through telehealth (p. 1–2). This model could be adapted to improve ED services across Canada.

Disordered eating among young adults is shaped by more than just personal choices. Across the studies examined, we saw how psychological traits like narcissism, impulsivity, and low resilience make some individuals more vulnerable to body dissatisfaction and unhealthy eating patterns. Surveys, self-report questionnaires, and psychological scales such as the DTDD, SCOFF, and ME-11 provided quantitative insight into these behaviors, while focus groups revealed the emotional and financial toll on families and individuals.

Social factors such as discrimination, cultural disconnection, and unrealistic beauty ideals increase those risks, especially for marginalized groups. Khalil et al. (2025), for example, used national survey data to show that transgender youth and racial minorities face higher eating disorder risks problems worsened by lower resilience and psychological inflexibility. Economic pressures also play a role, with industries profiting from insecurity while families and health systems carry the financial burden of untreated eating disorders. Obeid et al. (2024) highlighted how COVID-19 amplified these burdens through long waitlists, caregiver burnout, and lost productivity. These studies reveal that eating disorders are connected to mental health, social inequality, and economic systems. However, gaps remain. There is limited data on long-term outcomes for marginalized youth or how cultural pride can serve as a protective factor, particularly in Canadian contexts. More large-scale longitudinal studies are needed to assess how identity-based discrimination and media exposure interact over time. Sample sizes were sometimes small, and much of the data came from self-reports, which limit accuracy.

Nonetheless, we evidence we have points to a striking need for intervention. To reduce the risk of disordered eating, society must address all these factors together. Supporting mental health, promoting positive body image, reducing discrimination, and limiting harmful marketing are all part of the solution. Federal policies that promote equitable healthcare access, regulate influencer marketing, and fund school-based prevention can help turn this knowledge into action.

Eating disorders are not only about food but reflect the deeper struggles young adults face when trying to meet unrealistic expectations in today’s appearance-focused world. They also reveal broader societal issues: how profit often outweighs care, how discrimination leads to both psychological harm and financial strain, and how young people’s bodies are caught in the crossfire between capitalism and identity. Tackling disordered eating means not just changing individual habits but rethinking the systems that made those habits necessary in the first place.

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